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Trump Is Destroying Everything He Touches

POSTED BY: JJ
UPDATED: Wednesday, December 3, 2025 11:53
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Thursday, November 27, 2025 8:52 AM

THG

Keep it real please


Trump Is Destroying Everything He Touches



And that includes MAGA. They didn't even last through Trumps first year in office before they were at each other's throats. Before they realized Trump was full of shit and fucking them. As a voting bloc, they're done.

Jack acts as though the democrat's low approval means Trump and the republicans will win in the mid-terms. Nope, they're just disappointed in the democrats' job performance. They hate Trump and have already shown in 2025 how they will vote. When it's time to go to the ballet box again, the republicans will be destroyed. The democrats will make sure of that. The independents will make sure of that.

In the 2024 elections, a third voted democrat, a third voted for Trump and a third didn't vote at all. Think about that.

tick tock

T


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Thursday, November 27, 2025 12:17 PM

SECOND

The Joss Whedon script for Serenity, where Wash lives, is Serenity-190pages.pdf at https://www.mediafire.com/two


Donald Trump has already spent $70 million of taxpayer money on golfing in less than a year as president. If this pace keeps up, he will spend $300 million playing golf by the time his second term ends.

HuffPost reports that the president on Wednesday made his sixteenth trip this year to his Mar-a-Lago estate and went golfing. Each trip carries a $3.4 million bill in travel and security costs. If Trump decides to go to Mar-a-Lago twice more before the end of the year, he will have spent a total of $75 million on golf, which, repeated each of the following three years, would result in $300 million spent on the trips.

That’s nearly double the $151.5 million in tax dollars Trump spent golfing in his first term as president. Trump spent a third of 2017, his first year as president, hanging out at his private clubs. This time, Trump has also made nine trips to his golf club in Bedminster, New Jersey, spending $1.1 million on each trip. He also went to Aberdeen, Scotland, in July to promote a new golf course at his resort there, spending close to $10 million on the trip.

The security costs Trump incurs on his Florida trips can get pretty high, with machine gun–mounted patrol boats manning the nearby Intracoastal Waterway and the Coast Guard patrolling in the vicinity in the Atlantic Ocean. Using Air Force One costs $273,063 per hour to fly to Palm Beach International Airport, meaning that one four-hour round trip to Mar-a-Lago costs the taxpayer $1.1 million.

In 2016, before Trump was elected, he mocked President Obama’s work ethic, claiming that he was “worse than Carter” for how often he golfed. In the end, Obama only spent $85 million of taxpayer dollars in his eight years as president on golf.

Meanwhile, Trump has not only eclipsed that in his nearly five years as president, he’s shaped his presidency around golf. He has promoted his golf business on the White House social platform and even decided to deploy the National Guard in Washington, D.C., because he hated seeing homeless people on his way to play golf.

Last month, Trump took dirt from his White House demolition and sent it to a golf course he’s taking over in Washington. It’s a fitting act for his presidency: taking something from the taxpayer and putting it toward playing an expensive game that he appears to cheat at.

https://newrepublic.com/post/203739/trump-golf-tab-taxpayer-money

The Joss Whedon script for Serenity, where Wash lives, is Serenity-190pages.pdf at https://www.mediafire.com/two

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Thursday, November 27, 2025 1:01 PM

THG

Keep it real please


Quote:

Originally posted by second:
Donald Trump has already spent $70 million of taxpayer money on golfing in less than a year as president. If this pace keeps up, he will spend $300 million playing golf by the time his second term ends.

HuffPost reports that the president on Wednesday made his sixteenth trip this year to his Mar-a-Lago estate and went golfing. Each trip carries a $3.4 million bill in travel and security costs. If Trump decides to go to Mar-a-Lago twice more before the end of the year, he will have spent a total of $75 million on golf, which, repeated each of the following three years, would result in $300 million spent on the trips.

That’s nearly double the $151.5 million in tax dollars Trump spent golfing in his first term as president. Trump spent a third of 2017, his first year as president, hanging out at his private clubs. This time, Trump has also made nine trips to his golf club in Bedminster, New Jersey, spending $1.1 million on each trip. He also went to Aberdeen, Scotland, in July to promote a new golf course at his resort there, spending close to $10 million on the trip.

The security costs Trump incurs on his Florida trips can get pretty high, with machine gun–mounted patrol boats manning the nearby Intracoastal Waterway and the Coast Guard patrolling in the vicinity in the Atlantic Ocean. Using Air Force One costs $273,063 per hour to fly to Palm Beach International Airport, meaning that one four-hour round trip to Mar-a-Lago costs the taxpayer $1.1 million.

In 2016, before Trump was elected, he mocked President Obama’s work ethic, claiming that he was “worse than Carter” for how often he golfed. In the end, Obama only spent $85 million of taxpayer dollars in his eight years as president on golf.

Meanwhile, Trump has not only eclipsed that in his nearly five years as president, he’s shaped his presidency around golf. He has promoted his golf business on the White House social platform and even decided to deploy the National Guard in Washington, D.C., because he hated seeing homeless people on his way to play golf.

Last month, Trump took dirt from his White House demolition and sent it to a golf course he’s taking over in Washington. It’s a fitting act for his presidency: taking something from the taxpayer and putting it toward playing an expensive game that he appears to cheat at.

https://newrepublic.com/post/203739/trump-golf-tab-taxpayer-money

The Joss Whedon script for Serenity, where Wash lives, is Serenity-190pages.pdf at https://www.mediafire.com/two





Everything Trump does proves MAGA and others who voted for him are complete morons.

T


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Thursday, November 27, 2025 2:36 PM

THG

Keep it real please


T

PEACE PRIZE







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Thursday, November 27, 2025 8:12 PM

6IXSTRINGJACK


Quote:

Originally posted by THG:
Everything Trump does proves MAGA and others who voted for him are complete morons.



You keep saying that as if anybody had any alternative to vote for.

There is a reason that Democrats are drowning in low 30% approval, and it's not because Kamala lost.


It's because when Kamala lost, it was the beginning of the end of the Legacy Democrats and Legacy Media working in tandem to literally CONTROL WHAT YOU THINK, which Joe's wife Mika told you flatly was her job.


Was anybody going to vote for 4 more years of 9% inflation? No.

Was anybody going to vote for an additional 10 million illegal invaders let into the country by the mid-terms? No.

Was anybody going to vote for more DEI policy that saw more than 90% of rehires at Fortune 500 companies after the Covid job losses intentionally all being anybody except for white males? No.

Was anybody going to vote for more "defund the police" on top of all the illegals allowed in and the fact that it's pretty much not safe for women and children to walk outside anywhere except for the whitest, richest neighborhoods without a male escort? No.


Your party is incompetent, and out of touch. They've grown even more incompetent and out of touch with every year that passes, and losing that election in November as bad as they did despite throwing a 90-day, $1.4 Billion party has done nothing at all to get them to seriously re-evaluate their strategy and ideological stances going forward.

And, quite frankly, the Democrats and their policies are dangerous. It is why women going on a bus or a subway in 2025 now have to stress over the idea that they might be stabbed or lit on fucking fire if they're not practicing 100% situational awareness every second they're out in public.

The Democratic Party simply does not want to change at all, and they will continue to burn down their own party because they are wrong on nearly every issue that matters to The American People, even as we reach December of 2025.


You want to beat Trump and/or his successor?

Fucking do better then.


If you even can at this point. It may really be over for the Democratic Party for good now. Your only other option to vote for by midterms could very well be actual Socialism via candidates that don't even hide the fact they're Socialists anymore. Many of those candidates coming from foreign countries. You can pretend not wanting this outcome is racist all you want, but nobody with a working brain gives a single shit about your insults anymore. We simply can't afford to anymore even if we could. You've inoculated everyone from that over the years besides, just like I said you were going to do. Congratulations. Another pat on the back for you.


With where Trump is at right now, Democrats should be up on Republicans by 20 points. That's where they would be at if we were still living in the world that hasn't existed for more than a year and the world which will never come back.


If you want people to vote for your Party, give them a reason to even consider it for 5 seconds.

You don't have a single issue that the Democratic Party is in line with the desires of the people. Not a single one.

It's why you're seeing both Trump and the Republican Party losing support on one side, but nobody is seeing the Democrats get a bump from this on the other side. They're all fence sitting. And shit is bad enough for them to be doing that after the last 5 years and it's why they haven't immediately gone and defected for the Democrat hills like you would expect in a usual election cycle.


All you're doing is making more Independents at a time when Republican support for Trump is still at 87% like it was on day one. He's still got his 42%-43% approval rating that he floated with for most of his entire first run as President. He hasn't lost any of his core following. And if Democrats have no meaningful platform by election day that doesn't at all involve "we're not Trump", you're finished. They will still hold their nose and come back to Vance and you lose again. Things are bad enough now that people will be paying a lot of attention to the economy. And they won't forget that it was Joe Biden* specifically who got us where we're at today.


You've got one year before midterms to even attempt to turn that ship around.

I would suggest you give up on the Trump angle. Outside of an intentionally released plandemic and the chaos that caused leading right up to the election, it has never worked for you before and it will never work again for you period.



--------------------------------------------------

Be Nice. Don't be a dick.

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Friday, November 28, 2025 7:48 AM

SECOND

The Joss Whedon script for Serenity, where Wash lives, is Serenity-190pages.pdf at https://www.mediafire.com/two


Getting Ready to Party Like It’s 2008

Trump’s cronies are undermining financial stability

By Paul Krugman | Nov 28, 2025 at 5:39 AM

https://paulkrugman.substack.com/p/getting-ready-to-party-like-its-200
8


Ten years on, the Fed's failings on Lehman Brothers are all too clear,

On Sept. 15, 2008 Lehman Brothers failed. Within weeks the whole U.S. financial system was caught in the downward spiral of a massive bank run, on a scale not seen since the 1930s. Yet there was an important difference from the 1930s bank runs: in 2008, the panic mainly resulted in flight from “shadow banks,” nonbank institutions that performed bank-like functions. Conventional banks were largely immune from the 2008 panic because deposit insurance and federal regulations – a consequence of the 1930s bank runs – protected them.

While the U.S. economy was already in recession when Lehman fell, the financial crisis pushed it off a cliff into a deep recession. Despite frantic efforts to stabilize the financial markets, including large bailouts and huge lending by the Federal Reserve, America lost 6 million jobs in the year following Lehman’s fall. Total employment didn’t return to pre-recession levels until 2014. The share of prime-working-age adults with jobs remained depressed until the late 2010s:
.

The clear lesson of 2008 is that effective financial regulation is essential. For three generations after the great bank runs of 1930-31, America avoided “systemic” banking crises — crises that threaten the whole financial system, as opposed to individual institutions. This era, which Yale’s Gary Gorton calls the Quiet Period, was the result of New-Deal-era protections — especially deposit insurance — and regulations that limited banks’ risk-taking.

But post 1980, finance was increasingly deregulated. In particular, the government failed to extend bank-type regulation to shadow banks that posed systemic bank-type risks. And the crisis came.

In a way, the laxity that made the 2008 crisis possible was understandable. By the 2000s nobody in government or the financial markets remembered what a real financial crisis was like. And no, watching “It’s a Wonderful Life” on Christmas Day doesn’t count.

But here we are in 2025, and 2008 wasn’t that long ago. Many of us still have vivid memories of the gut-wrenching panic that gripped the world when Lehman fell. Yet Donald Trump’s allies and cronies are now moving rapidly to dismantle the precautionary regulations introduced after 2008 to reduce the risk of future financial crises. I say “allies and cronies” advisedly. There’s no indication that Trump himself has any idea what’s happening on his watch. But key players in Congress, within the administration, and, alas, at the Federal Reserve, are apparently determined to make a 2008 rerun possible.

The MAGA war on financial stability is being waged largely on two fronts. First, there’s an ongoing effort within some parts of the Federal Reserve to drastically weaken bank supervision — oversight of banks to prevent them from taking risks that could threaten the financial system.

The Fed has multiple roles: in addition to setting interest rates, it also has primary responsibility for bank supervision.

The Fed is supposed to be quasi-independent, and so far it has preserved its interest-rate-setting independence in the face of intense pressure by Trump to cut rates. Yet a Trumpian agenda is attempting to overtake the Fed’s bank supervision operations. In June, Michelle Bowman, a Trump appointee, became the Fed’s vice-chair of supervision. She is in the process of reducing staffing at the Fed’s supervisory and regulatory unit by 30 percent, while hiring new staffers drawn from the banking industry.

Bowman is expected to substantially loosen capital requirements. Capital requirements – requirements that a bank’s shareholders put a significant amount of their own money at risk to fund loans, and not just depositors’ money – are a critical component of reducing risk throughout the banking sector. Bowman has also sent out a memo sharply curtailing the ability of Fed staff to issue warnings about what they consider risky bank practices.

While it’s impossible to predict the precise effect of any of these moves, Bowman’s actions will clearly increase the banking industry’s profits in the short run while increasing the risk of another financial crisis – a risk that will inevitably fall on taxpayers’ shoulders, as they did in 2008.


The second front of MAGA’s war on financial stability is on behalf of the crypto industry. The Trump administration and its allies in Congress — including, I’m sorry to say, a number of Democrats in this case — are moving to promote wider use of crypto. In particular, the GENIUS Act (gag me with an acronym), passed in July, aims to promote stablecoins. And the fact is that stablecoins are effectively an alternative, weakly regulated and poorly supervised form of banking.

What are stablecoins? They’re privately issued tokens supposedly fixed in value at one dollar. They are, in effect, sort of a digital version of the bank notes that circulated during America’s private banking era in the 19thcentury — an era in which gold coins were the only official U.S. currency, with paper money consisting of notes issued by private banks that promised to redeem these notes for gold or silver on demand. The most famous of these bank notes was the $10 “Dix” note issued by the Citizens’ Bank of Louisiana, which may have given the South its nickname.

Private banking had many serious problems: private banks frequently collapsed, thereby losing depositors’ money. Without effective government supervision, private banks could issue notes without the resources to honor their promise to redeem those notes on demand. Indeed, there was a proliferation of “wildcat banking” — establishing banks in remote locations “where the wildcats roamed,” thus making it difficult for noteholders to present their notes for redemption.

How do stablecoins compare with 19th century private banking? One fact rarely mentioned about the stablecoin industry is that it’s dominated by two big issuers, Tether and USDC, with the rest consisting of a grab-bag of minor coins that collectively are much smaller than either:

https://coinmarketcap.com/view/stablecoin/

Tether has attracted the most scrutiny, in large part because it has, as The Economist puts it, become “money launderers’ dream currency.”

Leaving aside its role in facilitating global crime and viewing it as in effect a bank, how sound is Tether? On Wednesday S&P Global Ratings issued a scathing report, questioning the quality of Tether’s assets and noting that the company is highly secretive, giving outsiders no good way to assess its claims to be financially stable.

But aren’t government regulators keeping an eye on Tether? Um, no. Tether isn’t a U.S. company. It’s headquartered in and overseen by El Salvador, whose authoritarian ruler Nayib Bukele is best known in financial circles for his expensive, failing attempt to force Salvadorans to use Bitcoin as currency. El Salvador’s prudential guidelines for Tether are very lax, and how much faith do we have that even these weak rules are being enforced?

How did Tether respond to S&P’s assessment? With conspiracy theories, accusing S&P of being a tool of the “traditional finance propaganda machine.”

In short, as far as I can tell, Tether is a 21st century version of a wildcat bank, issuing tokens while deliberately making it hard for anyone to know whether it has the resources to honor them. And it’s not an outlier — it’s most of the industry.

Does Tether satisfy the rules of the GENIUS Act? No. This means that in principle, once the act is fully implemented, Tether won’t be able to issue its coins in the United States. The company has floated the idea of issuing a separate coin that does obey GENIUS rules, but that hasn’t happened yet.

Maybe other stablecoins will emerge that do honor U.S. rules. But there are worrisome loopholes in those rules that are likely to make stablecoins risky. And anyway, with resources and staff for financial supervision being slashed, how will these rules be enforced? A special source of concern is the worry that stablecoins will draw money out of conventional bank deposits into institutions that will, at best, be less well regulated.

Why are Trump and his allies undermining financial stability? There may be an element of free-market dogma. But as always with this administration, you shouldn’t underestimate the importance of simple corruption. Tether is closely connected with the financial firm Cantor Fitzgerald, formerly run by Howard Lutnick, Trump’s secretary of commerce. On joining the government, Lutnick left his role at Cantor Fitzgerald — and handed it over to his sons.

This post is already long, so I’ll stop with a warning: Along with its many other sins, the Trump administration is doing its best to make a future financial crisis more likely. I hope the Democrats are paying attention and won’t let themselves be seduced by Wall Street and, worse, the blandishments of the crypto bros. Because if they don’t, they could set themselves for a 2008-type crash during a Democratic administration. And we can guess who will get the blame.

The Joss Whedon script for Serenity, where Wash lives, is Serenity-190pages.pdf at https://www.mediafire.com/two

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Friday, November 28, 2025 8:10 AM

SECOND

The Joss Whedon script for Serenity, where Wash lives, is Serenity-190pages.pdf at https://www.mediafire.com/two


Quote:

Originally posted by 6ixStringJack:

If you want people to vote for your Party, give them a reason to even consider it for 5 seconds.

You don't have a single issue that the Democratic Party is in line with the desires of the people. Not a single one.

It's why you're seeing both Trump and the Republican Party losing support on one side, but nobody is seeing the Democrats get a bump from this on the other side.

Except for a few outliers like Marjorie Taylor Greene, every lunatic who voted several times for Trump is NOT pushing back against Trump. Once Trump is dead, those tens of millions of lunatics will find another Trump to screwup America in exactly the way they screwup their own lives.

6ixStringJoker, I am not kidding when I call you are a lunatic. Read your words: http://fireflyfans.net/mthread.aspx?bid=18&tid=67234&mid=12346
29#1234629


The Joss Whedon script for Serenity, where Wash lives, is Serenity-190pages.pdf at https://www.mediafire.com/two

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Sunday, November 30, 2025 6:01 AM

THG

Keep it real please


T

Navigating Reindustrialization in a Deglobalized World






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Sunday, November 30, 2025 11:44 AM

SECOND

The Joss Whedon script for Serenity, where Wash lives, is Serenity-190pages.pdf at https://www.mediafire.com/two


Quote:

Originally posted by 6ixStringJack:
Quote:

Originally posted by THG:
Everything Trump does proves MAGA and others who voted for him are complete morons.



You keep saying that as if anybody had any alternative to vote for.

Trump Is In FAR Deeper Trouble Than I Anticipated | Paul Krugman



The Joss Whedon script for Serenity, where Wash lives, is Serenity-190pages.pdf at https://www.mediafire.com/two

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Sunday, November 30, 2025 2:57 PM

6IXSTRINGJACK


According to ALWAYS WRONG ABOUT EVERYTHING Paul Krugman.

OH NOEZ!!!! THE WALLS ARE CLOSING IN ON TRUMP AGAIN!!!!



Loser. You're a loser.

--------------------------------------------------

Be Nice. Don't be a dick.

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Monday, December 1, 2025 9:48 AM

SECOND

The Joss Whedon script for Serenity, where Wash lives, is Serenity-190pages.pdf at https://www.mediafire.com/two


Quote:

Originally posted by 6ixStringJack:
According to ALWAYS WRONG ABOUT EVERYTHING Paul Krugman.

OH NOEZ!!!! THE WALLS ARE CLOSING IN ON TRUMP AGAIN!!!!



Loser. You're a loser.

--------------------------------------------------

Be Nice. Don't be a dick.

Krugman did NOT say the walls are closing in. He did say that Trump is crooked. That would NOT be obvious to Trumptards, especially 6ixStringJoker, who starts and ends his day watching porn and smoking. Depraved 6ix will not recognize Trump as morally corrupt. Instead, he sees Trump as someone to vote for because they both share experiences.

Trump: Pro-crypto or Pro-crime?

Or are they the same thing?

By Paul Krugman | Dec 01, 2025

https://paulkrugman.substack.com/p/trump-pro-crypto-or-pro-crime

On one side, the Trump administration is sinking small boats that it claims, without evidence, are smuggling drugs — and according to the Washington Post, Pete Hegseth, the self-styled Secretary of War, has personally ordered at least one follow-up strike to kill the survivors. A working group of former JAGs, that is, members of the military’s legal branch, issued a statement declaring that it unanimously considers both the giving and the execution of these orders, if true, to constitute war crimes, murder, or both.

On the other side, Donald Trump has declared his intention to grant “a Full and Complete Pardon” to Juan Orlando Hernández, a former president of Honduras who has been convicted of conspiring to import cocaine into the United States. In fact, Hernandez was part of a cartel, including his brother, that smuggled hundreds of tons of cocaine into this country.

At first glance, the juxtaposition seems bizarre – Trump is either murdering or committing war crimes against people who are at worst small-time drug smugglers, and may be innocent fishermen, while pardoning a drug lord who was responsible for thousands of American deaths while savaging his own country, Honduras. But there is a pattern to this murderous madness, once one connects the dots between Trump’s mob-boss persona and the billionaire crypto/tech broligarchy.

First, understand that Trump’s vendetta against purported penny-ante drug smugglers is all about dominance display, an exhibition of his ability to order violence. The real object may be to set the stage for invading Venezuela.

Second, while Trump is clearly willing to inflict gratuitous suffering on the little people, he positively revels in his association with big-time criminals, whether it’s Putin; or Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, who had a critical journalist dismembered with a bone saw; or Ross Ulbricht, creator of Silk Road, an underground e-marketplace known for drug trafficking, whom Trump pardoned immediately after assuming office; or Larry Hoover, a Chicago crime boss, who was sentenced to several lifetimes in prison for leading the Gangster Disciples, also pardoned by Trump. Yes, Trump really and truly cares about crime in Chicago.

Still, why would Trump, whose poll numbers are cratering, generate even more negative headlines by pardoning Hernández, who was duly convicted of conspiring to send more than 400 tons (!) of cocaine to America?

The answer is the influence of the crypto/tech broligarchy. In fact, many of Trump’s pardons of the most egregious criminals are closely linked to their influence.

A case in point is Ulbricht, whose Silk Road was an early example of what is still the main non-speculative use of Bitcoin: facilitating criminal activity. Ross Ulbricht was a darling of the tech-libertarian crowd, which includes Peter Thiel, arguably the godfather of Silicon Valley and whose financial backing was critical to JD Vance’s senate win. Trump first promised to pardon Ulbricht in 2024, as part of a pitch to win the votes of libertarians:

Speaking at the Libertarian Party convention in 2024, President Donald Trump promised to free Ross Ulbricht, a former tech entrepreneur who created a dark web site called Silk Road that was used by drug traffickers.

Photo of Trump at the Libertarian Party national conference in 2024, where he promised to pardon Ulbricht.
A close-up of a sign. A closeup: This is an anarchist symbol

Whatever libertarians were in the past, they are now an extremist party, opposed to laws against drug smuggling, money laundering, any type of prudential government regulation, and – in the case of Thiel – opposed to democracy itself. It should not go unnoticed that Trump saluted a party that proclaims “Become Ungovernable” as its guiding principle, written with the anarchy a-symbol.

Next, Trump’s pardon of Changpeng Zhao, aka CZ, the former CEO of the cryptocurrency exchange Binance, fits the same pattern. CZ plead guilty to charges of violating U.S. laws against money-laundering and was fined $50 million, in addition to a fine of $4.3 billion against Binance. Under CZ, Binance was a major channel of worldwide money laundering. As one report put it, prosecutors charged that Binance intentionally and purposefully ignored the transfer of money from countries and areas that are subject to sanctions -- including Syria, Iran, Cuba, Russia-occupied Crimea and the Donbas region in Ukraine. There was also trading that involved the criminal dark-web market Hydra.

And the story continues. Last week The families of 300 U.S. citizens hurt or killed in the Oct. 7 attack on Israel sued Binance, claiming the cryptocurrency exchange aided Hamas and other terrorist groups by transferring more than $1 billion among accounts they controlled.

However, in the world of radical libertarians, of the crypto/tech broligarchy, CZ’s crimes weren’t real crimes because crypto is designed to “free” us from the pernicious oversight of government. Yes, Trump really cares about stopping terrorism.

Finally, why pardon Hernández? What’s the connection to the crypto/tech broligarchy? It’s called Próspera.

Próspera is a for-profit city being built off Honduras’s coast. Its charter largely exempts the island from Honduran law. Instead, the city is run by a governing structure that for the most part gives control to a corporation, Honduras Próspera Inc., which is in turn funded by a familiar list of Silicon Valley billionaires including Thiel, Sam Altman and Marc Andreesen.


So while the city is being marketed as a libertarian paradise, it’s best seen as an autonomous oligarchy, government of, by and for billionaires. And you won’t be surprised to learn that within Próspera, Bitcoin is legal tender.

The 2013 Honduran law that made the creation of Próspera possible was initially ruled unconstitutional by the Honduran Supreme Court. But that ruling was reversed after Juan Orlando Hernández’s predecessor, Porfirio Lobo Sosa, managed to dismiss 4 of the court’s justices. Like Hernández, Sosa was a right-winger, who became president after a populist president, Manuel Zelaya, was overthrown by a military coup. Under both Hernández and Sosa, chaos reigned – corruption, criminal gangs, and drugs overran the country. The current president, Zelaya’s wife, has tried to claw back some sovereignty over Próspera, which has struck back with a mammoth lawsuit that could bankrupt the country.

Yesterday Honduras held an election in which Trump backed Nasry Asfura, a member of the same right-wing party as Hernández. Early results show the governing left-wing party well behind, but Asfura in a virtual tie with another right-wing candidate.

In any case, the point is that while Trump threatens and fulminates against Maduro in Venezuela, he is openly backing the Honduran political party that has allowed massive drug smuggling into the U.S. Why? The only logical answer is because of the influence of the crypto/tech broligarchy and their interests in Próspera.

So the announced pardon of Hernández for drug smuggling isn’t really a departure from the pardons of Binance’s Changpeng Zhao for money laundering or Silk Road’s Ross Ulbricht for facilitating illicit drug sales. In each case what’s being upheld is the principle that lawlessness in the pursuit of tech billionaires’ interests is no vice. In fact, it’s to be encouraged.

And Trump, whose only principles appear to be self-enrichment and vindictiveness, is happy to go along.

The Joss Whedon script for Serenity, where Wash lives, is Serenity-190pages.pdf at https://www.mediafire.com/two

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Monday, December 1, 2025 10:19 AM

SECOND

The Joss Whedon script for Serenity, where Wash lives, is Serenity-190pages.pdf at https://www.mediafire.com/two


Journalists say they know why Trump pardoned Honduran drug trafficker

“Let’s be very clear: the narco dictator Trump is pardoning was beloved by the crypto world for creating lawless, sovereign zones for tech utopias organized around crypto,” wrote journalist Ryan Grim in a social media post on X. “The current [government] moved to shut them down. The crypto class fought back and Trump is now doing their bidding.”

https://www.msn.com/en-us/news/world/journalists-say-they-know-why-tru
mp-pardoned-honduran-drug-trafficker/ar-AA1RrlMv


---------

Trump Gives Bonkers Excuse for Pardoning Drug-Runner President

President Donald Trump thinks a former Central American leader was simply set up by the Biden administration.

By Julia Ornedo | Dec. 1 2025 6:30AM EST

https://www.thedailybeast.com/trumps-bonkers-excuse-for-pardoning-scan
dalous-honduran-ex-president
/

President Donald Trump defended his pardon of a former Honduran president who once bragged that he would “stuff the drugs up the gringos’ noses.”

Trump, 79, stood by his announcement on Friday that he would grant “a full and complete pardon” of Juan Orlando Hernandez, the 57-year-old former Honduran leader who was sentenced to 45 years in prison last year after he was convicted of drug trafficking and firearms offenses.

“Well, I was told—I was asked by Honduras, many of the people of Honduras, they said it was a Biden setup,” Trump told reporters aboard Air Force One on Sunday. “He was the president of the country. And they basically said he was a drug dealer because he was the president of the country.”

The Justice Department, under former President Joe Biden, had said Hernandez “abused his power to support one of the largest and most violent drug trafficking conspiracies in the world,” helping heavily armed traffickers smuggle as much as 400 tons of cocaine into the U.S.—all while publicly promoting anti-narcotics policies in the Central American nation.

The prosecution of Hernandez began in Trump’s first term and concluded under Biden. Hernandez was extradited to the U.S. in 2022 and sentenced in a New York federal courtroom two years later for taking bribes from drug traffickers to move “well over approximately 4.5 billion individual doses of cocaine.”

In 2021, a witness recalled Hernandez as saying, “We are going to stuff the drugs up the gringos’ noses, and they’re never even going to know it.”

But Trump insisted Sunday that “the people of Honduras really thought he was set up, and it was a terrible thing.”

“He was the president of the country, and they basically said he was a drug dealer because he was the president of the country, and they said it was a Biden administration setup. And I looked at the facts, and I agreed with that,” he claimed.

When a reporter asked him to share any evidence showing that Hernandez was set up, Trump replied: “They could say that you take any country you want, if somebody sells drugs in that country, that doesn’t mean you arrest the president and put him in jail for the rest of his life. That includes this country.”

The Joss Whedon script for Serenity, where Wash lives, is Serenity-190pages.pdf at https://www.mediafire.com/two

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Monday, December 1, 2025 10:22 AM

6IXSTRINGJACK


Quote:

Originally posted by second:
Quote:

Originally posted by 6ixStringJack:
According to ALWAYS WRONG ABOUT EVERYTHING Paul Krugman.

OH NOEZ!!!! THE WALLS ARE CLOSING IN ON TRUMP AGAIN!!!!



Loser. You're a loser.

--------------------------------------------------

Be Nice. Don't be a dick.

Krugman did NOT say the walls are closing in.



I don't give a fuck what Paul said, retard. You couldn't pay me to read one of his articles in 2025.

You want me to go dig up how many times he's lied and said that to you in the past, stupid? Huh?


Seriously. Shut the fuck up.

You lost. Everything. FOREVER.



--------------------------------------------------

Be Nice. Don't be a dick.

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Tuesday, December 2, 2025 8:52 AM

THG

Keep it real please


Trump turned the department of defense into an organization headed by a NAZI.

T


Trump 'can fire Hegseth but a lot needs to change in the WH': House member on boat strikes






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Tuesday, December 2, 2025 9:30 AM

THG

Keep it real please


Costco sues Trump admin seeking tariff refunds before Supreme Court rules if they’re illegal

https://www.cnbc.com/2025/12/01/costco-sues-trump-tariffs-trade-suprem
e-court.html?msockid=1f76560bc8e56b9718ad40bdc98a6a53






T

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Tuesday, December 2, 2025 10:09 AM

SECOND

The Joss Whedon script for Serenity, where Wash lives, is Serenity-190pages.pdf at https://www.mediafire.com/two


Trump has argued with architect James McCrery II over the size of the ballroom for the White House, which has increased since it was first announced in July.

The ballroom’s initial design had a seating capacity of 650.
But the project grew to 999 seats.
And now it could hold up to 1,350 guests.
(What's next for Trump? 2,000? 3,000?)

The latest ballroom plan is much larger than the West Wing and the Executive Mansion. The tensions over its size have left McCrery to take a step back as Trump manages the project.

https://www.nj.com/politics/2025/12/will-the-white-house-ballroom-be-t
oo-large-trump-breaks-silence-amid-pushback.html


The Joss Whedon script for Serenity, where Wash lives, is Serenity-190pages.pdf at https://www.mediafire.com/two

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Tuesday, December 2, 2025 11:27 AM

THG

Keep it real please


T

Trump's tariffs caused a HUGE increase in prices and inflation this Black Friday






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Tuesday, December 2, 2025 1:09 PM

6IXSTRINGJACK


Keep posting your clickbait bullshit, morons.

Just more posts to add to your eternal embarrassment of always being wrong and always being on the wrong side of every issue.



--------------------------------------------------

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Tuesday, December 2, 2025 1:29 PM

SECOND

The Joss Whedon script for Serenity, where Wash lives, is Serenity-190pages.pdf at https://www.mediafire.com/two


Quote:

Originally posted by 6ixStringJack:
Keep posting your clickbait bullshit, morons.

Just more posts to add to your eternal embarrassment of always being wrong and always being on the wrong side of every issue.

6ixStringJoker, why don't you kill yourself? That would help the environment and fff.net.

‘Renewable’ No More: The Trump Administration Renames the National Renewable Energy Laboratory

A key driver of U.S. renewable energy research is now called the National Laboratory of the Rockies.

By Dan Gearino | December 2, 2025

https://insideclimatenews.org/news/02122025/renewable-no-more-the-trum
p-administration-renames-the-national-renewable-energy-laboratory
/

The Trump administration has renamed the National Renewable Energy Laboratory, now calling it the National Laboratory of the Rockies, marking an identity shift for the Colorado institution that has been a global leader in wind, solar and other renewable energy research.

“The new name reflects the Trump administration’s broader vision for the lab’s applied energy research, which historically emphasized alternative and renewable sources of generation, and honors the natural splendor of the lab’s surroundings in Golden, Colorado,” said Jud Virden, laboratory director, in a statement.

He did not specify what this “broader vision” would mean for the lab’s programs or its staff of about 4,000.

The renaming is the latest in a series of actions by the Trump administration to deemphasize or cut the parts of the federal government that support renewable energy, while also expanding federal support for fossil fuels.

Asked for details, the Department of Energy said in an email that the renaming “reflects the Department’s renewed focus on ‘energy addition,’ rather than the prioritization of specific energy resources.”

A lab spokesman had no additional information about whether there will be changes to programs or headcount at the lab.

Bill Ritter, a Democrat who was governor of Colorado from 2007 to 2011, said it’s reasonable to assume that the name change signals that the federal government is abandoning the lab’s status as a world leader in energy research.

“It’s an iconic research facility,” he said.

Underscoring this point, he recalled a trip to Israel while he was governor.

“The head of their renewable energy laboratory said, ‘I have nothing to tell you, because you come from the place that has the best renewable energy laboratory in the world,’” Ritter said.

After leaving office, he founded the Center for the New Energy Economy at Colorado State University, which specializes in energy policy research, and is now a consultant on energy business and policy.

Based on this experience, he thinks that anything the Trump administration does to divert from the lab’s mission is harmful to the United States’ ability to remain a major player in the energy economy of the near future.

“We’ll no longer be competitive in renewables research with China or India or other countries that are still heading toward the renewable energy transition at a very fast pace,” he said.

People with close ties to the lab were not surprised by the name change, given the administration’s broader goals.

“In the early days of DOGE people there were whispering about a name change to avoid the ire of MAGAs,” said Matt Henry, a Montana-based social scientist who worked at the lab from February 2024 to August 2025, in a post on Bluesky. “It pissed me off—prioritizing the preservation of the institution at the expense of its [stated] mission? So disappointing.”

He was referring to Elon Musk’s Department of Government Efficiency, which sought to cut federal spending in the early months of the Trump administration. The term MAGA refers to Trump’s “Make America Great Again” slogan and movement.

Dustin Mulvaney, a San Jose State University environmental studies professor, said if the name change is a sign of a significant change in the lab’s work, it would be “like losing several major land grant research universities all at once.”

Mulvaney has done projects in partnership with people at the lab. An important part of the institution’s work, he said, is that its research is free and accessible to the public, helping businesses and universities that may not be able to afford the work of private research firms.

The lab’s mission has included consulting to help communities benefit from new energy technologies, and ensure smooth transitions away from fossil fuels.

This work meant that the lab was out of step with an administration that has said it disagrees with the idea of a transition away from fossil fuels and has sought to impede funding and development of renewable energy.

The lab was established in 1974 as the Solar Energy Research Institute, part of a law signed by President Gerald Ford to facilitate alternatives to importing oil from the Middle East, according to a history on the lab’s website. The U.S. was suffering through high gasoline prices amid tensions with oil-producing nations such as Saudi Arabia.

“The energy crisis we face today is unlike the crisis that gave rise to NREL,” said Audrey Robertson, assistant secretary of energy, in a statement. “We are no longer picking and choosing energy sources. Our highest priority is to invest in the scientific capabilities that will restore American manufacturing, drive down costs, and help this country meet its soaring energy demand.”

In 1977, the federal government selected Golden, Colorado, as the location for the lab. In 1991, the Solar Energy Research Institute became the National Renewable Energy Laboratory, part of a change by the administration of President George H. W. Bush that also elevated the institution to become part of the country’s national lab system.

But the lab’s history has also included budget cuts and periods when its work fell out of favor with presidential administrations, including layoffs and funding cuts under President Ronald Reagan. President Donald Trump proposed substantial cuts during his first term, but Congress retained much of the funding.

The Trump administration’s budget proposal, issued in May, calls for cuts across non-defense discretionary spending, including on energy research, but the budget process is still underway.

The Joss Whedon script for Serenity, where Wash lives, is Serenity-190pages.pdf at https://www.mediafire.com/two

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Tuesday, December 2, 2025 1:32 PM

6IXSTRINGJACK


Quote:

Originally posted by second:
Quote:

Originally posted by 6ixStringJack:
Keep posting your clickbait bullshit, morons.

Just more posts to add to your eternal embarrassment of always being wrong and always being on the wrong side of every issue.

6ixStringJoker, why don't you kill yourself? That would help the environment and fff.net.



Archived.

--------------------------------------------------

Be Nice. Don't be a dick.

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Wednesday, December 3, 2025 6:46 AM

SECOND

The Joss Whedon script for Serenity, where Wash lives, is Serenity-190pages.pdf at https://www.mediafire.com/two


Quote:

Originally posted by 6ixStringJack:
Quote:

Originally posted by second:
Quote:

Originally posted by 6ixStringJack:
Keep posting your clickbait bullshit, morons.

Just more posts to add to your eternal embarrassment of always being wrong and always being on the wrong side of every issue.

6ixStringJoker, why don't you kill yourself? That would help the environment and fff.net.



Archived.

--------------------------------------------------

Be Nice. Don't be a dick.

6ixStringJoke, the idea behind that archive is as silly as the rest of your life.

The Federal Reserve Delivers Bad News About President Trump's Tariffs

Research from the Federal Reserve says tariffs will increase unemployment and slow economic growth

By Trevor Jennewine | Dec 3, 2025

https://www.msn.com/en-us/money/savingandinvesting/the-stock-market-so
unds-an-alarm-and-the-federal-reserve-delivers-bad-news-about-president-trump-s-tariffs/ar-AA1RCqyw


Earlier this year, President Trump said, "From 1789 to 1913, we were a tariff-backed nation, and the United States was proportionately the wealthiest it has ever been."

That statement is patently false. Real GDP per person has increased tenfold since 1900, which means Americans generally have a much higher living standard today.

Trump has made similar claims on other occasions. "Tariff power will bring America national security and wealth the likes of which has never been seen before," he wrote on social media in November. Trump has even proposed using tariffs to eliminate individual income tax, or else to pay Americans (excluding high earners) a $2,000 dividend check.

Unfortunately, those plans are disconnected from reality. The new tariffs are projected to bring in $210 billion in 2026. That sum is nowhere near enough to offset individual income tax, which totaled $2.6 trillion last year. Nor is it enough to cover $2,000 dividend checks, which would cost more than $600 billion, depending on who actually gets the payments, according to the Tax Foundation.

However, there is a more fundamental problem with Trump's tariffs: Historical information suggests they will not make America wealthier. A recent study from the Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco examines 150 years' worth of data and arrives at this conclusion: Tariffs will lead to higher unemployment and slower economic growth.

The study attributes those outcomes to economic uncertainty. Consumer sentiment tends to worsen during periods of uncertainty, which reduces economic growth by suppressing demand and prompting companies to hire fewer people. Indeed, those circumstances are already coming to fruition: Consumer sentiment fell to the second-lowest reading in history in November after the unemployment rate increased to 4.4% in October, the highest level in four years.

The Joss Whedon script for Serenity, where Wash lives, is Serenity-190pages.pdf at https://www.mediafire.com/two

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Wednesday, December 3, 2025 6:49 AM

SECOND

The Joss Whedon script for Serenity, where Wash lives, is Serenity-190pages.pdf at https://www.mediafire.com/two



Lying And Unwell
December 3, 2025

THE PRESIDENT IS LYING

Constantly. Though maybe it’s not lying in the traditional sense if you’re unhinged from reality, living 24/7 in your own reality.

Whatever it is, it’s disheartening that 36% of our fellow citizens, give or take, are okay with a lying or delusional president.

Case in point from his latest Cabinet meeting: “I inherited the worst inflation in history.”

No, he inherited 3% inflation. Which is about where it remains today.

(Inflation peaked at 23.7% in 1920 . . . nearly 14% in 1947 and again in 1980 . . . and 9.1% during the worst of the COVID supply chain disruptions in the middle of Biden’s presidency . . . but had dropped to 3% by the time he left, leaving Trump an economy The Economist called “the envy of the world.”)

___________

THE PRESIDENT IS UNWELL

Dr. Gupta: Trump’s MRI Excuse Raises More Questions Than Answers.

(And if you missed Monday: ‘Trump will not make it to the end of this term compos mentis’ | Psychologist analyses Trump.)

https://andrewtobias.com/lying-and-unwell/

The Joss Whedon script for Serenity, where Wash lives, is Serenity-190pages.pdf at https://www.mediafire.com/two

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Wednesday, December 3, 2025 7:04 AM

SECOND

The Joss Whedon script for Serenity, where Wash lives, is Serenity-190pages.pdf at https://www.mediafire.com/two


Trump to Disaster Victims: Drop Dead

Sorry, but we don’t help the little people

By Paul Krugman | Dec 03, 2025

https://paulkrugman.substack.com/p/trump-to-disaster-victims-drop-dead

The Mississippi flood of 1927 was one of America’s greatest natural disasters. Some 27,000 square miles were inundated, in some cases by 30 feet of water. Hundreds, maybe thousands, died — many of the victims were poor and Black, and their deaths went unrecorded. Around 700,000 people were displaced — equivalent to about 2 million people today, adjusting for population growth.

How did America respond? Initially, President Calvin Coolidge was adamantly opposed to any federal role in disaster relief, declaring that “The Government is not an insurer of its citizens against the hazard of the elements.” His refusal to provide aid was, however, deeply unpopular, and he eventually gave in to demands from Congress to deliver government aid.

Ever since that catastrophic flood, providing government aid to the victims of natural disasters has been an integral part of the American Way: federal aid to disaster victims became the norm after the Mississippi flood. Yet it was often a haphazard, uncoordinated process until 1979, when the federal response to natural disasters was consolidated under the Federal Emergency Management Agency.

Since then FEMA has become a well-established part of the American social safety net, especially in the face of worsening climate catastrophes. Americans have come to rely on FEMA as a first line of support after disasters. And when FEMA was seen to be falling down on the job, as it did after Hurricane Katrina virtually destroyed New Orleans in 2005, Americans were angry. The fact is, they want FEMA to be better, not smaller. In a July poll, only 9 percent of Americans wanted to see FEMA eliminated, and only another 10 percent wanted to see its budget cut.

Donald Trump, however, believes that he knows better than the majority of Americans. In June he announced his intention to dismantle FEMA and force the states to assume responsibility for disaster relief. While Trump publicly backed down after an intense public backlash, in practice he is gutting FEMA nonetheless. He is drastically scaling back federal emergency aid, even for communities in which the need for federal assistance is overwhelming.

The latest example of Trump’s stiffing those in need is in rural northern Michigan, where the power grid suffered severe damage from an ice storm last March. Rebuilding the power lines will cost thousands of dollars for each household served by the region’s power cooperatives. Without outside help, that cost will have to be paid by the cooperatives’ customers, a huge burden on a relatively poor part of the state. Yet FEMA has turned down the state’s request for aid, in an unprecedented break with past policies.

Adding further injury to Michiganders, who – by the way – voted to deliver the presidency to Donald Trump in 2024, the Trump administration has ordered another Michigan utility to keep an aging, unneeded, highly polluting coal-fired power plant operating, at a cost to ratepayers of $113 million so far, and ongoing at $615,000 per day.

Trump tried, unsuccessfully, to withhold wildfire aid from California unless it adopted voter ID. He has also tried to divert aid away from states that, in his view, aren’t cooperating with his immigration policies, although the courts stopped him. But the storm-hit areas that he is currently refusing to help are, or plausibly “were”, Trump country. The map on the left shows the areas covered by different Michigan electricity utilities; #3 and #7 are the utilities seeking FEMA aid. The map on the right shows the 2024 presidential vote by county, with deeper red corresponding to a higher Trump share:


Since this is not another case of Trump’s political retribution, what lies behind the denial of aid? I believe that it is a knee-jerk dominance display on Trump’s part. Whenever someone comes to him in need, whether its Volodomyr Zelensky, helpless African children dependent on USAID, or rural Michiganers, his cruelty is activated. And he likes surrounding himself with those of the same ilk: Stephen Miller, Pete Hegseth, and Kristi Noem, the secretary of homeland security, who impeded and slow-walked the emergency response to deadly Texas flooding back in July.

But that’s not all: there’s also an ideological component.
The pre-Trump typical conservative argument against government aid restricted itself to programs like food stamps. The usual suspects fulminate against those who need help putting food on the table, asserting that it’s because they have chosen to be poor. In the conservative ideology of Ronald Reagan, helping the poor relieves them of individual responsibility and only makes them lazy.

But those old-time conservatives also recognized a difference between being the victim of a natural disaster and being impoverished. In their view, nobody chooses to have an ice storm or a hurricane. And helping to re-build entire communities didn’t, in their view, encourage sloth.

But that was conservatism then and this is Trumpism now. The fact is that disaster relief runs counter to the libertarian ideology embraced by tech bros like Peter Thiel. In the world of the libertarian tech broligarchy, who believe that they should be running things rather than be constrained by democracy, selfishness is a virtue. Hence they don’t believe that their tax dollars should be used to help others, even when those others are victims of circumstances beyond their control. Oh, that is, unless you are a wealthy Silicon Valley type with deposits at the failed Silicon Valley Bank. They apparently had no problem with a federal bailout of SVB.

In fact, the libertarian tech broligarchy is opposed to the very impulse to care about other people. “The fundamental weakness of Western civilization,” declared Elon Musk last March, “is empathy.”

And let’s not forget — because conservatives never do — that there’s a deeper strategy at play: if you want people to despise and hate government, you don’t want them to see the government doing anything that clearly helps people.

So American victims of natural disasters are being abandoned by Trump. That abandonment reflects his personal cruelty and that of those around him, as well as the ideological allegiance to cruelty among the libertarian tech broligarchy. And the resulting message is clear. Trump to disaster victims, wherever they live and whoever they voted for: Drop dead.

The Joss Whedon script for Serenity, where Wash lives, is Serenity-190pages.pdf at https://www.mediafire.com/two

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Wednesday, December 3, 2025 10:34 AM

SECOND

The Joss Whedon script for Serenity, where Wash lives, is Serenity-190pages.pdf at https://www.mediafire.com/two


A sickening moral slum of an administration

Regarding Venezuela, Ukraine and much more, Trump and his acolytes are worse than simply incompetent.

By George F. Will | December 2, 2025 at 1:47 p.m.

www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/2025/12/02/trump-hegseth-rubio-ukraine
-venezuela-boats
/

Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth seems to be a war criminal. Without a war. An interesting achievement.

In 1967, novelist Gwyn Griffin published a World War II novel, “An Operational Necessity,” that 58 years later is again pertinent. According to the laws of war, survivors of a sunken ship cannot be attacked. But a German submarine captain, after sinking a French ship, orders the machine-gunning of the ship’s crew, lest their survival endanger his men by revealing where his boat is operating. In the book’s dramatic climax, a postwar tribunal examines the German commander’s moral calculus.

No operational necessity justified Hegseth’s de facto order to kill two survivors clinging to the wreckage of one of the supposed drug boats obliterated by U.S. forces near Venezuela. His order was reported by The Post from two sources (“The order was to kill everybody,” one said) and has not been explicitly denied by Hegseth. President Donald Trump says Hegseth told him that he (Hegseth) “said he did not say that.” If Trump is telling the truth about Hegseth, and Hegseth is telling the truth to Trump, it is strange that (per the Post report) the commander of the boat-destroying operation said he ordered the attack on the survivors to comply with Hegseth’s order.

Forty-four days after the survivors were killed, the four-star admiral who headed the U.S. Southern Command announced he would be leaving that position just a year into what is usually a three-year stint. He did not say why. Inferences are, however, permitted.

The killing of the survivors by this moral slum of an administration should nauseate Americans. A nation incapable of shame is dangerous, not least to itself. As the recent “peace plan” for Ukraine demonstrated.

Marco Rubio, who is secretary of state and Trump’s national security adviser, seemed to be neither when the president released his 28-point plan for Ukraine’s dismemberment. The plan was cobbled together by Trump administration and Russian officials, with no Ukrainians participating. It reads like a wish-list letter from Vladimir Putin to Santa Claus: Ukraine to cede land that Russia has failed to capture in almost four years of aggression; Russia to have a veto over NATO’s composition, peacekeeping forces in Ukraine and the size of Ukraine’s armed forces. And more.

Rubio, whose well-known versatility of convictions is perhaps not infinite, told some of his alarmed former Senate colleagues that the plan was just an opening gambit from Russia — although Trump demanded that Ukraine accept it within days. South Dakota Republican Sen. Mike Rounds, a precise and measured speaker, reported that, in a conference call with a bipartisan group of senators, Rubio said the plan was a Russian proposal: “He made it very clear to us that we are the recipients of a proposal that was delivered to one of our representatives. It is not our recommendation. It is not our peace plan.” Hours later, however, Rubio reversed himself, saying on social media that the United States “authored” the plan.

The administration’s floundering might reflect more than its characteristic incompetence. In a darkening world, systemic weaknesses of prosperous democracies are becoming clearer.

Harvard sociologist Daniel Bell’s 1976 book, “The Cultural Contradictions of Capitalism,” argued that capitalism’s success undermines capitalism’s moral and behavioral prerequisites. Affluence produces a culture of present-mindedness and laxity; this undermines thrift, industriousness, discipline and the deferral of gratification.

Today’s cultural contradictions of democracy are: Majorities vote themselves government benefits funded by deficits, which conscript the wealth of future generations who will inherit the national debt. Entitlements crowd out provisions for national security. And an anesthetizing dependency on government produces an inward-turning obliviousness to external dangers, and a flinching from hard truths.

Two weeks ago, the chief of staff of the French army said: “We have the know-how, and we have the economic and demographic strength to dissuade the regime in Moscow. What we are lacking … is the spirit which accepts that we will have to suffer if we are to protect what we are. If our country wavers because it is not ready to lose its children … or to suffer economically because the priority has to be military production, then we are indeed at risk.”

Putin has surely savored the French recoil from these words. And he has noticed that, concerning Ukraine and the attacks on boats near Venezuela, the Trump administration cannot keep its stories straight. This probably is for reasons Sir Walter Scott understood: “Oh, what a tangled web we weave,/ when first we practise to deceive!” Americans are the deceived.

The Joss Whedon script for Serenity, where Wash lives, is Serenity-190pages.pdf at https://www.mediafire.com/two

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Wednesday, December 3, 2025 11:52 AM

SECOND

The Joss Whedon script for Serenity, where Wash lives, is Serenity-190pages.pdf at https://www.mediafire.com/two


The Last Big Case Against Trump Has Been Dropped

The U.S. justice and political systems have shown that they can’t hold the president and his allies to account for trying to steal the 2020 election.

By David A. Graham | December 2, 2025, 6:33 PM ET

https://www.theatlantic.com/newsletters/2025/12/trump-georgia-case-dro
pped-election-subversion/685119
/

Even today, nearly five years later, listening to Donald Trump’s call is shocking.

“So look. All I want to do is this. I just want to find 11,780 votes,” he told Georgia Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger and a few aides on January 2, 2021. Trump warned Raffensperger, a fellow Republican, that if he didn’t act, he would face prosecution: “That’s a criminal, that’s a criminal offense. And you can’t let that happen. That’s a big risk to you and to Ryan, your lawyer.” And to underscore that he was asking Raffensperger to subvert the election results, he added, “So what are we going to do here, folks? I only need 11,000 votes. Fellas, I need 11,000 votes. Give me a break.”

The Washington Post obtained the call and published it on January 3. Three days later, a crowd of Trump supporters, whipped into a frenzy by the president, marched on the Capitol, attacked police, and sacked the building in an attempt to prevent the certification of Joe Biden’s victory. In the days, weeks, and years to follow, much more would be revealed: a long-running campaign, as dedicated as it was sloppy, to steal the 2020 election.

Trump and several associates were charged for their roles in the scheme in a splashy Georgia indictment, but the case’s dismissal last week, on the eve of the Thanksgiving holiday, received less attention. A judge acted at the request of Peter Skandalakis, the prosecutor appointed to handle the case after Fulton County District Attorney Fani Willis, who obtained the indictment, was disqualified from overseeing it. Skandalakis made both legal and practical arguments against the racketeering case, deeming the charges against some of the defendants weak. (The racketeering law allowed Willis to charge many people at once but created a sprawling case.) As for Trump, Skandalakis wrote, “There is no realistic prospect that a sitting President will be compelled to appear in Georgia to stand trial on the allegations in this indictment.” By the time he leaves office, “eight years will have elapsed since the phone call at issue.”

The Georgia case was the last remaining criminal case against Trump, and the last legal or political avenue to hold him accountable for the 2020-election plot. (It was also important because Trump cannot pardon himself or others if convicted in state court.) A federal election-subversion case against him was dismissed after he won reelection last November. State prosecutions against fake electors have not made much headway. And last month, Trump issued pardons to dozens of people implicated in the attempted subversion. In short, Trump has gotten away with his attempt to subvert the election: If the criminal-justice system is incapable of prosecuting attempts to steal an election, then stealing an election is de facto legal.

Each of these cases had its own wrinkles and reasons for failing. In the Georgia case, for example, Willis made grievous errors in judgment, intertwining her personal life and work by hiring a dubiously qualified special prosecutor with whom she was in a romantic relationship. Her racketeering charge was also ambitious but risky, as Skandalakis argued; the collapse of her case against the rapper Young Thug’s YSL group shows how such cases can go wrong.

The federal prosecution was set up for failure by Attorney General Merrick Garland’s decision to slow-walk prosecuting Trump to appear nonpartisan; the result was that by the time Special Counsel Jack Smith took over, he had little time to work. The Supreme Court used much of that time deliberating a challenge from Trump before issuing a startling opinion that gives presidents immunity for a huge range of “official” acts.

Political remedies haven’t worked either. The House voted to impeach Trump for his actions, but the Senate, under the influence of the GOP leader Mitch McConnell, failed to convict him. Republicans fell back on both legalistic claims—they argued that they couldn’t convict Trump once he was no longer president—and a misplaced belief that Trump would never be able to mount a political comeback. And when states tried to disqualify Trump from appearing on the 2024 ballot under the Fourteenth Amendment (a legally questionable approach), the Supreme Court blocked them.

All that remains are a few cases against the fake electors who allegedly formed alternative pro-Trump slates. A case in Michigan was dismissed. Wisconsin’s case is creeping forward. A case in Nevada was quashed by a trial judge on procedural grounds but resuscitated by the state supreme court; something similar happened in Arizona, where the attorney general has asked the state supreme court to revive a case. (That one also involves a few Trump allies.) Even if some of these cases succeed, though, they will punish the lowest-level participants while allowing the big fish—Trump chief among them—to swim free.

Trump’s pardon order guarantees that some of the high-profile figures will never face federal charges related to the 2020 election, including the lawyers Rudy Giuliani, Sidney Powell, Kenneth Chesebro, Boris Epshteyn, John Eastman, Jeffrey Clark, and Jenna Ellis, as well as former White House Chief of Staff Mark Meadows. (Trump’s order explicitly ruled himself out; he has previously said that he has the power to self-pardon, but many legal scholars disagree.) Giuliani and Eastman have lost their law license, and Clark may as well, but that’s hardly proportional punishment.

Notwithstanding the various prosecutors’ miscalculations that led to this point, it is possible that no effective legal path existed to hold Trump and his minions accountable. Despite their bumbling, their scheme was vague and diffuse enough that prosecuting them was tricky. This does not make election-subversion attempts acceptable, though; it means that lawmakers should write laws that would allow authorities to punish the kind of behavior that occurred after the 2020 election. Unfortunately, there is little prospect of that at the federal level or in potential key states. And as I wrote in The Atlantic’s December cover story, the president and his allies are already working to interfere in the 2026 election.

When moving to dismiss the Georgia charges, Skandalakis lamented the sordid aftermath of the election: “Never before, and hopefully never again, will our country face circumstances such as these.” The failure to punish the major figures, however, all but guarantees a repeat.

The Joss Whedon script for Serenity, where Wash lives, is Serenity-190pages.pdf at https://www.mediafire.com/two

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Wednesday, December 3, 2025 11:53 AM

SECOND

The Joss Whedon script for Serenity, where Wash lives, is Serenity-190pages.pdf at https://www.mediafire.com/two


Donald Trump’s Plan to Subvert the Midterms Is Already Under Way

Our election system is reaching a breaking point.

By David A. Graham | October 28, 2025

This article appears in the December 2025 print edition with the headline “The Coming Election Mayhem.”

https://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/2025/12/2026-midterms-tru
mp-threat/684615
/

Imagine for a moment that it’s late on Election Day, November 3, 2026. Republicans have kept their majority in the Senate, but too many House races are still uncalled to tell who has won that chamber. Control seems like it will come down to two districts in Maricopa County, Arizona. ICE agents and National Guardsmen have been deployed there since that summer, ostensibly in response to criminal immigrants, though crime has been dropping for several years. The county is almost one-third Hispanic or Latino. Voting-rights advocates say the armed presence has depressed turnout, but nonetheless, the races are close. By that evening, the Republican candidates have small leads, but thousands of mail and provisional ballots remain uncounted.

Donald Trump calls the press into the Oval Office and announces that the GOP has held the House—but he warns that Democrats will try to steal the election, and announces plans to send a legal team to Arizona to root out fraud. He spends the rest of the night posting threats and allegations on Truth Social. In the morning, Republican lawyers file to stop vote counting, arguing that any votes counted after Election Day are illegal under federal law. Attorney General Pam Bondi sends a letter to Adrian Fontes, Arizona’s Democratic secretary of state, and the county board of supervisors, instructing them to retain all documents and warning that the Department of Justice may intervene if it suspects anything untoward. On X, FBI Director Kash Patel reposts false rumors about fraud and announces plans to lead a group of agents to Phoenix. Meanwhile, Democratic candidates have pulled ahead in both races by Wednesday afternoon, but the margin is just 143 votes in the Eighth District, with many votes still not tallied.

By now, conservative outlets are running wall-to-wall coverage alleging fraud, offering tales of immigrants being bused to voting locations and accusing Democrats of treason. MAGA has learned its lesson since 2020, and Rudy Giuliani and Sidney Powell are nowhere near the cameras. Instead, administration officials like Bondi are the face of the allegations on TV. Behind the scenes, Trump is making phone calls. He’s unable to reach any county supervisors, whose lawyers have warned them not to speak with him, but he gets through to the county recorder, a MAGA loyalist elected as part of the backlash to the 2020 election. No one knows quite what is said—the call isn’t taped—but when Trump hangs up, he posts that the county has agreed to hand over control of voting machines to the Department of Homeland Security.

Fontes and the board of supervisors rush to court to block the move, and a judge quickly grants an injunction. But Trump declares a national emergency that he says supersedes the order; helicopters are en route from a Marine air base in Yuma to take control of the voting machines. By the time Supreme Court Justice Elena Kagan, who is assigned to hear emergency matters from Arizona, issues an order blocking this, Marines have already commandeered ballots and machines. Patel, having just arrived in Phoenix, holds a press conference and announces, without providing evidence, that votes have been tampered with. He proclaims the Republican candidates the winners.

Despite Marines on the street, small but fierce protests erupt in Phoenix and elsewhere; Trump uses them as a pretext to invoke the Insurrection Act and announces “martial law in Democrat-run cities.” Who actually won the election can never be determined—the Marines and Patel have broken the chain of custody, as well as some of the machines themselves—but the state names the two Democrats as winners. House Republicans reject Arizona’s certification and instead seat the GOP candidates. Trump’s allies keep the House in a profoundly illegitimate election rejected by many Americans.

This is just one possible scenario. Is it too pessimistic? Perhaps. But at this stage of the election cycle in 2019, no one expected a crowd of Trump supporters to storm the U.S. Capitol on January 6, 2021. No one expected the president himself to explicitly lend his support to their efforts to “Stop the Steal.” Certainly no one expected that there would be calls to hang the vice president for his refusal to subvert the democratic process. If anything, when it comes to 2026, I worry more about the limits of my imagination than about the hazards of speculation.

Trump has made his intentions clear. At a rally last summer in West Palm Beach, Florida, he offered his supporters a promise. “Christians, get out and vote, just this time. You won’t have to do it anymore. Four more years, you know what, it’ll be fixed, it’ll be fine. You won’t have to vote anymore, my beautiful Christians,” he said. “We’ll have it fixed so good, you’re not gonna have to vote.”

We’ll have it fixed so good. It’s not hard to guess what Trump might do to fulfill this promise. He has, after all, already attempted to disrupt and overturn an election. In 2020, those efforts involved questioning results, asserting widespread fraud without evidence, pressuring local officials to overturn outcomes, filing spurious lawsuits, and ultimately inciting supporters to sack the Capitol. Now that he’s back in the White House, he will draw from this playbook again—perhaps adding new maneuvers, such as deploying armed troops.

As president, Trump has very little statutory power over elections, yet the office provides him with plenty of opportunities for chicanery. He also has powerful reasons to interfere next year. If Democrats recapture the House (by gaining three seats) or the Senate (four seats), they could stall his agenda, launch oversight proceedings, and potentially bring new impeachment charges against him.

Trump and his allies will have before them less an orderly set of instructions than a buffet of options. Some of these options will go untested, or amount to nothing. But elections are a game of margins. Only a handful of Senate seats and a few dozen House races may be seriously contested, thanks to maps drawn to guarantee safe seats for one party or the other. Of those, some may be very close. In 2024, 18 House races were decided by fewer than 10,000 votes. Democrats won 11 of those.

To understand the threat to democracy, and how it might be stopped, I spoke with experts on election administration, constitutional law, and law enforcement. Many of them are people I have known to be cautious, sober, and not prone to hyperbole. Yet they used words like nightmare and warned that Americans need to be ready for “really wild stuff.” They described a system under attack and reaching a breaking point. They enumerated a long list of concerns about next year’s midterms, but they largely declined to make predictions about the 2028 presidential election. The speed of Trump’s assault on the Constitution has made forecasting difficult, but the 2026 contests—both the way they work, and the results—will help determine whether democracy as we know it will survive until then. “If you are not frightened,” Hannah Fried, the executive director of the voter-access group All Voting Is Local, told me, “you are not paying attention.”

Even so, the breakdown of the system is not a foregone conclusion. We can take some comfort next year in the fact that messing with 468 separate elections for House and Senate seats is more complicated than interfering with a presidential race. There will be more opportunities for shenanigans—but it will also be harder to change the overall outcome if one party leads by more than 10 or so seats.

It’s also worth remembering that courts have not looked favorably on recent challenges to elections. Scores of pro-Trump suits failed in 2020, and although the Supreme Court has sanctioned many of Trump’s executive-power grabs, most election cases are decided in lower courts, where Trump has fared poorly thus far in his second term. Finally, the decentralization of the voting system is both a weakness and a source of resilience. The patchwork of laws and offices that govern elections at the state and local levels ensures that some jurisdictions are fairer and more secure than others. It also means that nefarious actors might be able to access only small parts of the system.

Yet Trump has demonstrated that he is more effective at executing his will than he was during his first term. He has surrounded himself with aides whose loyalty is to him, not the rule of law, and who have learned from the flaws of MAGA’s 2020 plan. They are better versed in the inner workings of elections and eager to use the Justice Department as a tool for political gain.

Stopping any attempt to subvert the midterms will require courage and integrity from the courts, political leaders of both parties, and the local officials running elections. Most of all, it will depend on individual Americans to stand up for their rights and demand that their votes are counted.

I. Laying the Groundwork

Let’s get something out of the way: Donald Trump will not try to cancel the midterm elections. He lacks both the power to do so—a fact that offers only partial reassurance, with this president—and the incentive.

Modern authoritarians love elections. In Hungary, Turkey, Russia, and other countries, repressive leaders have kept the framework of democracy in place while guaranteeing that they always or usually win. Doing so helps them escape international condemnation and lends an imprimatur of legitimacy. Trump himself has warmly congratulated these leaders on electoral victories that much of the world has deemed unfair.

The political scientists Steven Levitsky and Lucan Way coined the term competitive authoritarianism to describe a system that gives an all-but-preordained outcome the patina of democratic choice. “Competition is real, but unfair,” Levitsky told me.

Competitive-authoritarian regimes elsewhere in the world offer models for how a leader might make it harder for his adversaries to regain power long before ballots are cast. For example, he might launch an effort to undermine the rule of law, which could be used to hold him accountable. He might seek to change or eliminate term limits. He might seek to co-opt and intimidate the press, rewarding friendly outlets to create a palace media and intimidating others into tempering their criticism. He might seek to pack the government with loyalists, replacing civil servants with political operatives and appointing allies to the judiciary. Finally, a competitive authoritarian might use the government’s powers to harass political rivals, weakening the opposing party well ahead of elections. When necessary, he might imprison rivals or even kill them; see, for example, the fate of Alexei Navalny in Russia. This is a last resort, though: Such heavy-handedness tends to attract condemnation, and usually isn’t necessary anyway.

Trump has already done a lot of this. He has coerced law firms into questionable agreements that aligned them with the administration. He has launched criminal investigations into officials who have tried to hold him to account. He has questioned whether the constitutional right of free speech extends to criticism of him. He has pressured social-media companies into ending their moderation of disinformation, of which he is a prodigious source. He has used lawsuits and the Federal Communications Commission to bully entertainment conglomerates and news outlets. His administration engineered a deal for the sale of TikTok, a major information source for younger Americans, to a group of investors that includes political allies.

Trump has directed the Justice Department to investigate ActBlue, the fundraising platform that raised more than $3.6 billion for Democratic candidates in the 2024 cycle. After the assassination of Charlie Kirk, he issued an executive order that could target a range of left-wing political organizations. Trump has not yet arrested any high-profile candidates for office, but, as of this writing, his administration has launched an investigation into Senator Adam Schiff, a California Democrat who led Trump’s first impeachment, and charged Representative LaMonica McIver, a New Jersey Democrat, with assault after an incident at a migrant-detention facility in Newark. The Justice Department also charged former FBI Director James Comey with felonies for allegedly lying to Congress and indicted New York Attorney General Letitia James for alleged mortgage fraud. (Schiff and James have denied any wrongdoing; McIver and Comey have pleaded not guilty.)

The cumulative effect in the United States is likely to be the same as it has been overseas: Prospective donors, candidates, and campaign workers or volunteers will wonder whether the benefits of participation outweigh the risks of harassment and persecution. By the time voting starts, the opposition party will already be at a steep disadvantage.

II. Changing the Rules

Over the summer, Texas Governor Greg Abbott called the state legislature to Austin for a special session in which, among other things, it redrew congressional districts. The aim was to give the GOP five additional seats in the U.S. House. This was a brazen move. States normally redistrict only once a decade, after the census. Texas’s 2021 map was already engineered for Republican advantage, but the White House pushed the state to go further, hinting at retribution for anyone who resisted, according to The New York Times. This set off a chain of attempted copycats in red states and attempted payback in blue ones. Trump reportedly threatened primary challenges for Republicans who opposed him and sent the vice president to pressure Indiana lawmakers—all of which suggests that the president believes the midterms will be close.

Redistricting was an especially blunt and public effort to change the rules ahead of Election Day. Most of the other methods that Trump and his allies have tried or are likely to try will not be so overt, and may also be less successful. The problem for Trump is that power over elections rests with the states and, to a lesser extent, Congress, not the executive branch.

Nevertheless, Trump has simply asserted control and dared anyone to say no. In March, he issued an executive order that purported to make several changes to voting. It instructed the Election Assistance Commission, a bipartisan federal agency that helps states administer elections, to require proof of citizenship to vote. (Congress is also considering a bill that would do the same.) It also demanded that only ballots received by Election Day be counted, regardless of state rules. The executive order was largely blocked by two federal judges, one of whom noted that citizenship was already required to vote and added, “The Constitution does not grant the President any specific powers over elections.”

Trump has been trying to teach the American people to distrust elections since 2016, and many of his actions now are designed to create a pretense for claiming fraud later. For example, he has repeatedly suggested that millions of unauthorized immigrants are voting, although this is not true. Now the Justice Department has ordered many states to turn over voter-registration records with detailed private information, which it says it’s sharing with the Department of Homeland Security. Some states prohibit releasing this information, which is unlikely to either produce evidence of fraud or improve voter rolls. Previous attempts at matching voter lists against other databases have produced many false positives but few actual examples of illegal voting. An election-integrity commission established during Trump’s first term also tried to acquire voter rolls for the same purpose, but was rebuffed by states and tied up in litigation. This time around, the Justice Department is suing states that don’t comply, and could use their resistance as a pretext for future allegations of fraud.

Trump has consistently tried to spread distrust of voting by mail. Most recently, he reported that, during an August summit in Alaska, Putin told him, “Your election was rigged because you have mail-in voting.” Trump then announced on Truth Social that, in an effort to ban voting by mail and require paper ballots, he would issue a new executive order, adding, “Remember, the States are merely an ‘agent’ for the Federal Government in counting and tabulating the votes.”

This is false, and no executive order has emerged yet, perhaps because plenty of Republicans vote by mail, and eliminating it wouldn’t have a clear partisan advantage. Even so, assailing mail-in voting is useful to Trump because it creates a justification to claim fraud after the elections. In 2020, Trump seized on claims about mailed ballots being stolen, altered, or dumped in a river, even long after those stories were debunked. And in 2024, he was preparing to do so again, until it became clear that he had won.

Similarly, Trump and his allies have insisted for nearly a decade—without ever providing proof—that many voting machines are not secure. In his executive order on voting, Trump instructed the Election Assistance Commission to decertify all voting machines in the U.S. within 180 days and recertify only those that met certain requirements. This would be impractical, in part because it’s unclear whether any voting machines that meet those standards could be available in time for the election. But again, the order may be designed to serve a different purpose: If races don’t go the way the president wants, he can point to the executive order and say that the voting machines didn’t meet the standards. The results, therefore, are not valid, or at least cannot be trusted.

The administration’s own actions are actually undermining election security. In past elections, the Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency, a part of DHS, assisted local officials. That might have meant providing protection from hacking or doing site visits to make sure door locks and electricity were secure. But Trump has held a grudge against CISA since Chris Krebs, then the agency’s leader, vouched for the security of the 2020 election. (Trump fired Krebs at the time and earlier this year directed the Justice Department to open an investigation into him.) The administration has cut about a third of CISA’s workforce and slashed millions of dollars of assistance to local officials, potentially exposing election systems to interference by foreign or domestic hackers. The big risk is not changing actual vote tallies, but disrupting the system to create chaos and doubt and to prevent people from casting ballots.

This summer, DHS appointed Heather Honey, an election denier involved in efforts to challenge the 2020 election, to the newly created role of deputy assistant secretary for election integrity. Meanwhile, troubling examples of attempted interference with the system are popping up in swing states.

In a peculiar turn this July, 10 Colorado counties reported being contacted by Jeff Small, a Republican consultant, who told some of them he was working on behalf of White House Deputy Chief of Staff Stephen Miller and requested access to voting machines. According to The Denver Post, Small connected at least one Colorado election official with a person at the Department of Homeland Security, suggesting that he was acting with the administration’s cooperation. (Small did not reply to interview requests. An administration spokesperson told CNN earlier this year that Small “does not speak for the White House” and was never “authorized to do official business on behalf of the White House.”)

In September, Reuters reported that Sigal Chattah, the acting U.S. attorney for Nevada, had directed the FBI to investigate claims of voter fraud in that state, hoping that a probe would help Republicans keep the House. (Shortly thereafter, a court found Chattah’s appointment invalid.)

III. Election Day

Voter suppression has a long history in the U.S., but the methods have become more sophisticated and less obvious than in the days of literacy tests, poll taxes, and the KKK. Republican jurisdictions in particular have enacted rules that have made it harder for people to vote. They have placed restrictions on voter-registration drives by outside groups; required photo identification to vote (which is popular, although its effects are often discriminatory because Black, older, and poorer people are less likely than other voters to have qualifying ID); tried to limit the hours that polls are open; and, in Georgia, put restrictions on giving food or water to people waiting in line to vote.

The Justice Department recently announced that it would take the unusual step of sending poll monitors to observe elections in six counties in New Jersey and California this November. Both states have important elections—Californians are voting on a new congressional map that could eliminate GOP seats, and a Trump ally is trying to capture New Jersey’s governorship from Democrats. This could be a test run for broader use of monitors in 2026 to intimidate poll workers and voters around the country.

None of these things, in isolation, will prevent large numbers of people from voting, but they create barriers that might make a difference at the margins. They are likely to especially affect people who vote infrequently. Whether this is beneficial for Trump and his allies is a matter of debate among experts. (Traditionally, high turnout was thought to help Democrats, but Trump’s coalitions have included many irregular voters.)

In 2026, however, Trump could far surpass these small-bore measures. The fear I heard, again and again, is that the president will attempt to use armed federal agents to interfere with elections. In its simplest form, this could look like federal law-enforcement officers patrolling the streets in blue cities, a possibility that some influential people in Trump’s orbit have already embraced. “They’re petrified over at MSNBC and CNN that, hey, since we’re taking control of the cities, there’s gonna be ICE officers near polling places,” Steve Bannon said in August. “You’re damn right.”

But many people now worry that Trump would go further and use the military. Not long ago, this would have seemed nearly unthinkable. In January, the Brennan Center for Justice, the University of Virginia’s Center for Public Safety and Justice, and the States United Democracy Center held a tabletop exercise to consider best practices for policing in a tense society. The participants imagined that the National Guard might be deployed to cities—by sometime in 2028. “Even our most unlikely circumstances were far passed in the first few months of this year,” Ben Haiman, the executive director of CPSJ, told me. “We got there real fast.”

Federal law specifically bans the presence of “any troops or armed men at any place where a general or special election is held, unless such force be necessary to repel armed enemies of the United States.” But some of the experts I spoke with believe that military intervention is now not only possible, but likely. “They’re telling me that it’s really unconstitutional and illegal for them to be there, but that doesn’t seem to make a lot of difference to this administration,” Aaron Ammons, the clerk of Champaign County, Illinois, told me.

The administration could try to get around the ban on troops at polling places in a few ways. Cleta Mitchell, a conservative lawyer who was involved in “Stop the Steal” efforts in 2020 and remains influential in the White House, suggested in September that Trump could use emergency powers. “The chief executive is limited in his role with regard to elections, except where there is a threat to the national sovereignty of the United States,” she said on a conservative talk show. “I think maybe the president is thinking that he will exercise some emergency powers to protect the federal elections going forward.” Trump might allege foreign interference in the elections—asserting, for example, that Iranian hackers had changed voter results—in order to claim that national security required him to intervene.

Elizabeth Goitein, an expert on presidential emergency powers at the Brennan Center, told me that nothing like what Mitchell described exists: “There are no powers that give him the authority to do anything around elections, full stop.” But Goitein warned that Trump could try anyway. One possibility is that he could invoke the Insurrection Act, as he has repeatedly threatened to do, by claiming it is necessary to enforce federal law or protect voters’ constitutional rights.

Mobilizing troops takes time and is hard to do without anyone noticing. Trump might find it easier to deploy troops between now and November and have them on the streets already when voting starts. During a meeting with top military leaders in September, he said, “We should use some of these dangerous cities as training grounds for our military.”

He’s already started. In June, Trump federalized 4,000 members of the California National Guard and sent Marines into Los Angeles, putatively to maintain order and protect ICE agents. He has since deployed the National Guard to Washington, D.C., and moved to send Guardsmen to several other cities. These deployments could accustom Americans to seeing troops in the streets well ahead of the elections.

A military or federal-law-enforcement presence creates the danger of intimidation. Right-wing figures tend to write this off as blather: If you’re not an illegal immigrant, you have nothing to fear. But ICE’s recent dragnets have arrested and jailed American citizens. Beyond that, the presence of police, or especially troops, could make it harder to reach polling places and could sap voters’ energy. Even a small presence of troops in a few cities might create enough media attention to affect turnout elsewhere.

In the worst-case scenarios, armed troops could be ordered to close polling areas, commandeer voting machines, or crack down on protesters. These orders would be illegal, and units might refuse to follow them, potentially producing a standoff between the president and his military brass. But it wouldn’t take more than a few officers complying to corrupt the election.

IV. After Election Day

As soon as the polls close, Trump and other Republicans will try to stop the counting of votes. Scholars have documented a phenomenon called the “red mirage” or “blue shift,” in which early results seem more favorable to Republicans, but as mail-in ballots, provisional ballots, and tallies in slow-counting Democratic-leaning cities and states trickle in, Democrats’ outcomes look better.

In 2020, with many states still counting, Trump spoke at the White House early on the morning of November 4 and demanded that no new votes be included in tallies. “Frankly, we did win this election. We did win this election,” he said. “So our goal now is to ensure the integrity for the good of this nation. This is a very big moment. This is a major fraud in our nation. We want the law to be used in a proper manner. So we’ll be going to the U.S. Supreme Court. We want all voting to stop.”

In his blocked executive order on elections this spring, Trump instructed the attorney general to target states that allow the counting of votes that arrive after Election Day (but are postmarked by then), arguing that “federal law establishes a uniform Election Day across the Nation” and that any ongoing counting is thus illegal. Even if that goes nowhere, Republicans will use the same argument in lawsuits seeking to throw out any such votes. This will be only the start of the lawfare. A flurry of lawsuits in close House districts or states with close Senate races will aim to give Republican candidates an edge.

To see how this might look, consider a 2024 race for the North Carolina Supreme Court. Early returns suggested that the Republican Jefferson Griffin had defeated the incumbent Democrat, Allison Riggs, but once every ballot was counted, Riggs took a narrow lead, which was confirmed by multiple recounts. Griffin then filed suit seeking to throw out thousands of votes. Some were overseas ballots, including from military voters, that did not include photo ID; others were in heavily Democratic counties, from voters whose registration did not include a Social Security number. Everyone agreed that these ballots had been cast in accordance with the rules of the election at the time, but Griffin wanted to change the rules after the fact. He almost succeeded, with the help of favorable rulings from GOP-dominated state courts, before a federal judge shut him down.

In the days after the 2026 elections, Republicans will announce that Democratic victories are fraudulent. They may point to alleged deficiencies in voting machines, using Trump’s decertification mandate as a starting point, but many candidates have previously just relied on rumor and innuendo. Republicans will demand that elections be invalidated or rerun because they are tainted.

At the same time, Republican leaders—including Trump—will be working the phones, trying to recruit local and state election officials to help. In 2020, Trump called many local GOP officials seeking assistance, most infamously asking Georgia Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger to “find” him almost 12,000 votes. Given that he was caught on tape doing so and has thus far faced no repercussions, Trump has no reason not to do it again. The pressure he exerted in 2020 didn’t work, in part because many Republican officials refused to abet his schemes, but in some places, these officials have been replaced by election deniers and MAGA loyalists. Trump might, for instance, call someone like Linda Rebuck—the chair of North Carolina’s Henderson County board of elections, who was reprimanded last year for sending false election information to state legislators—or leaders in Cochise County, Arizona, who recently asked Attorney General Bondi to investigate the results of the 2022 election, which they themselves failed to certify on time.

Even the best-intentioned official might bend under pressure from the White House, because it’s very hard to say no to the president of the United States when he asks for a favor—especially if the alternative is doxxing, harassment, political ostracism, or worse. And if that prospect doesn’t sway them, a threat from the Justice Department might. How many county clerks are willing to trust their own legal advice over an order from the attorney general?

Stephen Richer, a Republican who was elected the Maricopa County recorder in 2020, described to me what it was like when he and other GOP officials defended the integrity of local elections. Like other Republicans who contradicted Trump, he was chased from office, losing a primary to a MAGA-aligned candidate. “It is incredibly lonely,” he said. “Very few people will have your back, especially if you’re a Republican. There is no constituency.” Standing up to Trump can stymie a political career, as it did for Richer, or lead to criminal jeopardy, as it has for Krebs.

In 2020, Trump also contemplated seizing voting machines. The ostensible reason was to search for evidence of fraud, but taking possession of the machines creates its own huge risk of fraud, and would destroy any trust in results. Aides drafted executive orders instructing the Defense Department or DHS to seize machines, but, amid resistance from advisers, Trump never went forward with the plan. Now he’s surrounded by aides more likely to encourage his most outrageous ideas.

If all of that fails, Republicans could attempt to refuse to seat Democrats who are elected. The House is the arbiter of its own members, and on several occasions—in 1985, for example, during an election that came down to a handful of votes—the body has refused to seat the winner as certified by a state. With Trump blowing wind into flimsy fraud allegations, the House GOP caucus could try to use them to preserve a narrow majority.

The backdrop to all of this will be the possibility of violence by Trump supporters if they believe the election is being stolen. Just as the Krebs investigation is a warning to anyone who might publicly contradict Trump, the president’s mass clemency for people involved in the January 6 riot—including those convicted of violent attacks on police officers—is a signal to anyone who might act to assist the president’s cause that he will help them out afterward. The insurrection failed the first time, but the second try might be more effective.

V. The Way Out

The most important defense against losing our democracy is the same thing that makes it a democracy in the first place: the people. An engaged electorate, demanding clean elections and turning out in force, has been the strongest and most consistent bulwark against Trump. “It is going to require that every single American do everything in their power to ensure that elections happen, to ensure that they are free and fair, and to push back on this extremism,” Skye Perryman, the president and CEO of Democracy Forward, told me.

The burden will fall especially on local election workers, who will be more prepared than they were six years ago but also more battered. In a survey this spring conducted by the Brennan Center, four in 10 local election officials said they’d received threats; six in 10 said they worried about political interference. They also worry about funding shortfalls. State and local governments are facing smaller budgets, and since 2020, many states have banned private donations for election administration.

Election officials are deluged by requests for information or demands that certain voters be removed from rolls—even when the law doesn’t provide for purges. Remaining apolitical has become next to impossible. “We have been asked to definitively say whether the 2020 election was fair and legitimate,” Natalie Adona, the registrar of voters in Marin County, California, told me. “I can say without a doubt that that election was fairly decided. Does that now mean that I have made a partisan statement?”

At a previous job elsewhere in California, Adona had to obtain a restraining order because of persistent harassment. In Detroit in 2020, a mob tried to break into a vote-counting center. Since then, poll workers have been doxxed, received death threats, and faced persistent verbal abuse. One result is that many experienced officials have left their jobs. Those who remain are forced to make plans for their physical safety—at polling places, but also at facilities where votes are counted, and even at home.

Despite all of this, there are reasons for hope. Even in a competitive-authoritarian system, recent examples show, elections can defeat incumbents. Scholars consider Poland one of the most encouraging stories in the cohort of the world’s backsliding democracies. Starting in 2015, the country saw a steady drop in freedom. The ruling Law and Justice party pursued many of the same strategies that Trump has now adopted, or might yet. But in the 2023 parliamentary elections, a coalition of pro-democracy opposition parties was able to defeat Law and Justice, carried to victory on the strength of an astonishing 74 percent turnout among voters.

The midterm elections could be a similarly pivotal moment for American democracy. Defending the system in 2026 won’t guarantee clean elections in 2028, but failing to do so would be catastrophic. Trump will exploit any weaknesses he can find; any damage to the system will encourage worse rigging in two years, and maybe even a quest for a third term. And if the president has two more years to act without any checks, there may not be much democracy left to save in 2028.

This article appears in the December 2025 print edition with the headline “The Coming Election Mayhem.”

The Joss Whedon script for Serenity, where Wash lives, is Serenity-190pages.pdf at https://www.mediafire.com/two

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